Iskanje po repozitoriju

Ključne besede: moda, fašizem, Italija, knjižne ocene
Objavljeno v RUP: 10.07.2015; Ogledov: 2171; Prenosov: 10
Povezava na celotno besedilo

Opis: The article presents the less known side of the First Trial of Trieste, undoubtedly one of the milestones in the history of Slovenes and Croatians in the Venezia Giulia region of that time. The execution of four Slovenes who had resorted to violence in resisting Fascist politics and were consequently sentenced to death by shooting, reverberated in the international public as well. Mussolini wanted to have done with the defendants completely; but not only that, the sensationalism of the trial had another, wider significance forthe Italian duce - his aim was to use the trial process to demonstrate the solidity of his regime. Such behaviour already hinted at more aggressive and unconcealed imperialistic politics of Italy in the Danube-Balkans area that would start taking its final shape in the 1930s. The illegal activities of the defendants have been treated by many historians already, and the trial itself has been the subject of various thorough studies so far; therefore, the present study chooses to lend special attention to the international extent of the trial, it being one of the events that had the strongest repercussions within the Yugoslav-Italian disputes in the period between the two world wars. In those weeks of 1930, the trial was covered by numerous newspapers. Since the process and especially the verdict made the greatest stir in Czechoslovakia, the study takes a more thorough look at the events taking place in and the opinions coming from this country. A large majority of the press manifestly condemned the Italian regime, taking the side of the 'Yugoslav minority', and the public, under the influence of the press, assumed a similar standpoint. Demonstrations and protests took place. Official politics, on the other hand, were more composed: Czechoslovak diplomacy, led by Beneš, apologized to the Italian government and within a few weeks silenced the anti-Italian campaign. In addition to numerous newspaper articles mentioned in the study, the information on the evaluation of the official politics is undoubtedly of the greatest interest. In his own report, the Czechoslovak Consul to Trieste, Krbec, related the reports by all the other diplomats present at the Trial as well. The death verdict gave rise to protests and demonstrations throughout Czechoslovakia, and the Slovenes also received support from the United States of America, especially in the form of memoranda. The newspaper campaign ended after a few weeks, but the grudges between the two states remained. This is partly evident from Mussolini's bearing in the following years, and when in 1938, along with western democracies, he consented to the takeover of the Czechoslovak border areas by Hitler's Germany.
Ključne besede: zgodovina, prvi tržaški proces, Češkoslovaška, Italija, fašizem, Trst, Primorska, mednarodna politika, javno mnenje
Objavljeno v RUP: 10.07.2015; Ogledov: 3096; Prenosov: 35
Povezava na celotno besedilo

Opis: Avtor obravnava kompleksnost manjšinskih in obmejnih vprašanj, ki sestavljajo problematiko proučevanja kontaktnih območij v zgornjem Jadranu, na katere delujejo sočasno različni dejavniki in prispevajo k oblikovanju različne pojavne tipologije v razmerju družbena dominantnost-manjšina, ki vključujejo stanja mejne nacionalne manjšine, teritorialne oziroma regionalne manjšine ter urbane manjšine. Območje zgornjega Jadrana se potrjuje kot izredno zanimiv "laboratorij" za uvajanje novih modelov pri utrjevanju različnih institucionalnih in vsakodnevnih oblik medetnične povezanosti v okviru EU.
Ključne besede: politična geografija, demogeografija, sestava prebivalstva, narodna sestava, narodne majnšine, obmejne regije, Slovenija, Italija, Evropa
Objavljeno v RUP: 10.07.2015; Ogledov: 3107; Prenosov: 68
Povezava na celotno besedilo

Opis: When considering the Upper Adriatic, the meeting point of three countries: Italy, Slovenia and Croatia at this point in time, an important fact needs to be acknowledged - the historic fate of this area has basically been determined by the relationship between the ethnical and political border. In this particular area the two borders normally do not coincide and had been perpendicular or parallel to one another in different historical periods. Several contradictory tendencies towards the adapting of social structure and social systems to the current political organization of space can be discerned in the process of politically-geographical transformations in the area discussed. On one hand, particularly on the local scale, there are tendencies to normalize and functionally organize the trans-border communication and socially-cultural and socially-economic structures. On the other hand, particularly on the scale of state relations, there are tendencies to preserve the state of tension and the air of restriction around the border. This has lead to a considerable discrepancy between the intensity of functional trans-border connections, which have gradually developed between the two sides, and the scarcity and reservedness of institutional trans-border associations, which have only started to develop after the Treaty of Osimo was signed in 1975. The fact that "the spirit of Osimo" did not develop and strengthen after the proclamation of independence of Slovenia in 1991, its entry into the EU in 2004 and the acceptance among the Schengen countries in 2007 is rather unusual. Despite the existence of intensive and functional trans-border associations of the population residing near the border, the neighboring countries in the area of Upper Adriatic did not manage to devise any new initiatives concerning institutional integration. Furthermore, along with the break in communication between Slovenia and Italy, a deterioration of relations between Slovenia and Croatia occurred because of unresolved petty disputes concerning the border. However, the rather unfavorable state of relations between the states is not reflected in the actual situation in the field. The research performed so far indicates that there is a quite distinct trans-border interdependence of the population residing near the border. Nevertheless, the current politically-geographical transformations have generated certain differences between the Slovene-Italian border and the Slovene-Croatian border, particularly in the scope of lowering expectations with respect to further development of trans-border relations and lower level of functional trans-border association characterizing the western border sector of the Slovene-Croatian border when compared to the Istrian-Karstic border section of the Slovene-Italian border. This fact reflects the negative effects of transformations in this formerly unified or correlated socially-geographical area and the consequential differentiation of border sectors regardless of the relatively high level of socially-cultural affinity, which still characteriyes both border regions. This provides grounds for understanding the simultaneous occurrence of tendencies towards social and spatial divergence, characteriying the relationship of past and present-day state-oriented politicians in relation to their neighboring countries, and tendencies towards social and spatial convergence, originating primarily from the socially-cultural affinity and socially-economic interdependence of the population residing near the border. The above demonstrates that border regions should be granted an institutional and legal status that will enable the population of these regions to successfully resolve their own developmental problems while considering the complex social structure of the Upper Adriatic in the perspective of renewing or improving the spatial integration or reducing the level of potential conflict. Developmental history and the current social structure suggest that this region is indeed much easier to interconnect than to divide
Ključne besede: Jadran (regija), politična geografija, obmejne regije, Slovenija, Italija, Hrvaška
Objavljeno v RUP: 10.07.2015; Ogledov: 3514; Prenosov: 27
Povezava na celotno besedilo

Opis: A survey of contents published on the internet has shown that the designation "Italian-Slovene border" or "confine italo sloveno", together with related designations of both sides of the border, is very much present in entrepreneurial and economic relations, whereas the designation of the border indicating only one, "our" side, is prevalent in texts of historiographical provenience and in political journalism. It is already evident from a quick overview of search results that references to the eastern border in Italian texts and references to the western border in Slovenian texts are not only of geographical nature, but they also indicate a politically and nationally connoted nomenclature promulgating one-sided representations of the border. One example of incorrect historical onomastics is analysed as an indication of ethnocentric discourse, in which national affiliation is understood as a synonym of cultural affiliation and a national border as a rigid cultural boundary that also separates the members of one nation from the members of another along cultural lines. From the second half of the 19th century onwards, concealment of plural origin became a national defence mission of historians who devoted themselves to the history of border areas. In the Central European area, to which the northern Adriatic region belongs, the assertion of the autochthonism of one's own nation turned into a historiographical effacement of its neighbours. Amidst competitive relations between nations in the second half of the 19th century, national historical narrative became a political tool in the hands of the national elite and proved to be especially useful in consolidating one's own forces while excluding others. Although the first departures from historiography in the service of national defence already occurred at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Angelo Vivante), the nationally-focused border history continued to prevail both among Italian and Slovenian historians of Venezia Giulia until the 1980s. Its influence is also manifest in the Slovenian-Italian historical report, which is the result of long-term reconciliation of Italian and Slovenian historians and provides a uniform account of Slovenian-Italian relations. Nevertheless, as crucial as this achievement may be, it should not be exempt from critical scrutiny: with regard to moving beyond the ethnocentric presentation of history, Maria Todorova rightfully claims that historical legacy must be subject to critical evaluation, especially when it imposes a dichotomous understanding of border societies or when it hinders mutual recognition of the other. An accurate determination of an observation point, both in terms of research perspective and level, is - following the explanations of Michael Werner and Bénédicte Zimmermann - one of the key principles of histoire croisée, a historiography that deals with crossing, interchangeable views, and takes the deliberate exchanging and supplementing of observation perspectives as an opportunity for an as much complex understanding of historical events as possible, but also as a departure from "'intellectual' imperialism and strategies of political domination" (Werner, Zimmermann). Discussions published in this issue of Acta Histriae, which vary in their thematic focus and methodological approach, provide a convincing demonstration that alongside the historiography, which aims at strengthening the idea of historical continuity, a historiography concerned with border areas and their pluralities has emerged, a historiography that does not efface multi-faced border identities, and a historiography that incorporates historical writings on the Slovene-Italian border into interdisciplinary studies of border areas or the so-called border studies
Ključne besede: mejne študije, zgodovina meje, nacionalna raba zgodovine, histoire croisée, obmejna zgodovina, Slovenija, Italija
Objavljeno v RUP: 10.07.2015; Ogledov: 3472; Prenosov: 20
Povezava na celotno besedilo