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"Češkoslovaško-italijanska mala vojna" : mednarodne razsežnosti prvega tržaškega procesa in reakcije na Češkoslovaškem
Borut Klabjan, 2006, original scientific article

Abstract: The article presents the less known side of the First Trial of Trieste, undoubtedly one of the milestones in the history of Slovenes and Croatians in the Venezia Giulia region of that time. The execution of four Slovenes who had resorted to violence in resisting Fascist politics and were consequently sentenced to death by shooting, reverberated in the international public as well. Mussolini wanted to have done with the defendants completely; but not only that, the sensationalism of the trial had another, wider significance forthe Italian duce - his aim was to use the trial process to demonstrate the solidity of his regime. Such behaviour already hinted at more aggressive and unconcealed imperialistic politics of Italy in the Danube-Balkans area that would start taking its final shape in the 1930s. The illegal activities of the defendants have been treated by many historians already, and the trial itself has been the subject of various thorough studies so far; therefore, the present study chooses to lend special attention to the international extent of the trial, it being one of the events that had the strongest repercussions within the Yugoslav-Italian disputes in the period between the two world wars. In those weeks of 1930, the trial was covered by numerous newspapers. Since the process and especially the verdict made the greatest stir in Czechoslovakia, the study takes a more thorough look at the events taking place in and the opinions coming from this country. A large majority of the press manifestly condemned the Italian regime, taking the side of the 'Yugoslav minority', and the public, under the influence of the press, assumed a similar standpoint. Demonstrations and protests took place. Official politics, on the other hand, were more composed: Czechoslovak diplomacy, led by Beneš, apologized to the Italian government and within a few weeks silenced the anti-Italian campaign. In addition to numerous newspaper articles mentioned in the study, the information on the evaluation of the official politics is undoubtedly of the greatest interest. In his own report, the Czechoslovak Consul to Trieste, Krbec, related the reports by all the other diplomats present at the Trial as well. The death verdict gave rise to protests and demonstrations throughout Czechoslovakia, and the Slovenes also received support from the United States of America, especially in the form of memoranda. The newspaper campaign ended after a few weeks, but the grudges between the two states remained. This is partly evident from Mussolini's bearing in the following years, and when in 1938, along with western democracies, he consented to the takeover of the Czechoslovak border areas by Hitler's Germany.
Keywords: zgodovina, prvi tržaški proces, Češkoslovaška, Italija, fašizem, Trst, Primorska, mednarodna politika, javno mnenje
Published in RUP: 10.07.2015; Views: 2996; Downloads: 33
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Marco Fossati: Terorizem in teroristi. Ljubljana Sophia, 2005, VI+224 str.
Klemen Pust, 2006, review, book review, critique

Keywords: terorizem, mednarodna politika, ocene knjig
Published in RUP: 10.07.2015; Views: 3223; Downloads: 52
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5.
Priprave na Osimska pogajanja
Viljenka Škorjanec, 2006, original scientific article

Abstract: An analysis of archival material has shown the significance of the preparations for the negotiations that terminated in the acceptance of the Italian mandate and enabled the beginning of the negotiations for the subsequent Treaty of Osimo. Following the 1954 Memorandum of Understanding, the Italian side used the legal aspect of the agreement as a pretext for stalling over the final resolution of the border delineation issue, claiming that the situation with Zone B of the Free Territory of Trieste was only temporary. Italy also asked for some minor corrections near the border already defined by the Paris Peace Treaty. In 1968, the events in Czechoslovakia and the advanced age of President Tito persuaded the Italian government to start tackling the open issues with Yugoslavia. In that year, the Italian foreign minister, Medici, proposed a package of eighteen items, which included the suggestion that the demarcation line defined by the Memorandum of Understanding become a state border with territorial provisions and which was accepted as a negotiation platform for further dialogue at the meeting of ministers Medici and Miniæ held in Dubrovnik in March of 1973. Hereit is possible to observe a quality shift in the interstate relations and the negotiation process leading to the Treaty of Osimo. After several years of stalling, the Italian side had agreed that two mandataries be nominated in Dubrovnik in place of the previous experts, whose task would be the preparation of the draft of the final agreement. At the same time, Italy was given concrete deadlines for the fulfilment of its obligations. Alongside the official diplomatic channel the two ministers privately agreed on a special, parallel channel for secret negotiations of political mandataries as an alternative that would allow the negotiations to be continued should the likewise secret diplomatic negotiations fail to progress. The political leadership of Italy, especially the Christian Democracy party wanted to use this other channel to establish a direct dialogue parallel to the state relations directed by official diplomacy. The Italian suggestion for negotiations outside the institutional frameworks, when the states precluded from negotiations the respective foreign ministries, eventually proved the only real possibility for arriving at an agreement. The diplomatic negotiations ended towards the end of 1973 without any success. At that time the other channel was not quite active yet, all respective developments having come to a yearlong standstill soon after the establishment of the latter. After several poignant diplomatic notes and President Tito's Sarajevo speech, Andreotti, in his speech held in Udine in May, 1974, announced Italy's intention to reach an appropriate agreement with Yugoslavia. In view of the forthcoming Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to be heldin Helsinki and the fundamental principle concerning the finality of stateborders, the leadership of Christian Democracy estimated that an unsolvedborder issue was compromising global Italian politics. Following a correction to the Italian mandate and the arrival of the Italian delegation at Strmol in July, 1974, the Yugoslav side accepted the Italian proposal of negotiations between special political mandataries. This ended the preparations for the negotiations that successfully concluded with the signing of a Treaty in Osimo.
Keywords: mednarodna politika, diplomacija, Jugoslavija, Italija, pogajanja
Published in RUP: 10.07.2015; Views: 2803; Downloads: 30
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6.
Politična geografija globalizacije
Milan Bufon, 2006, review article

Abstract: Članek najprej obravnava nekatere temeljne elemente, ki zadevajo definicijo globalizacije ter njene učinke, v nadaljevanju pa prikazuje sodobne razsežnosti globalizacije v odnosu do ključnih dejavnikov sodobnih političnogeografskih transformacij. Slednji se izražajo predvsem na področju mednarodne politike in varnosti ter na področju mednarodnih trgovinskih in finančnih tokov. Na osnovi prikazanih razvojnih procesov ugotavlja, da se političnogeografski problemi globalizacije navezujejo tudi na vprašanja koncentracije in deteritorializacije ter na centralno-periferna razmerja v svetu. Nenazadnje globalizacija učinkuje še na politična, ekonomska in družbena ravnovesja in součinkovanja med lokalno, državno in svetovno dimenzijo razvojnih potencialov in dinamik ter na možnost vzpostavitve njihovega globalnega upravljanja.
Keywords: politična geografija, globalizacija, mednarodna politika, mednarodna trgovina
Published in RUP: 10.07.2015; Views: 2743; Downloads: 37
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