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Rolf Wörsdörfer: Il confine orientale. Italia e Jugoslavia dal 1915 al 1955. Bologna, Il Mulino, 2009, 454 str.
Miha Kosmač, 2011, review, book review, critique

Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...Il confine orientale, zgodovina, mednarodni odnosi, Jugoslavija, Italija,, ocene in poročila, ...
Keywords: Wörsdörfer, Rolf: Il confine orientale, zgodovina, mednarodni odnosi, Jugoslavija, Italija,, ocene in poročila
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 2822; Downloads: 13
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

O vstopu Slovenije v EU
Tina Rožac, 2011, original scientific article

Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...narodna identiteta, množični mediji, medijska reprezentacija, Slovenija, Italija, EU, Evropska unija, ...
Keywords: narodnostna identiteta, narodna identiteta, množični mediji, medijska reprezentacija, Slovenija, Italija, EU, Evropska unija
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 2185; Downloads: 13
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

Claudio Povolo: Zanzanù: Il bandito del lago (1576-1617). Tignale, Grafica 5, 2011, 221 str.
Urška Bratož, 2011, review, book review, critique

Abstract: Claudio Povolo: Zanzanu: Il bandito del lago (1576-1617). Tignale, Grafica 5, 2011, 221 str.
Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...Povolo, Claudio: Zanzanù, zgodovinopisje, Italija, kulturna zgodovina, Gardsko jezero,, ocene in...
Keywords: Povolo, Claudio: Zanzanù, zgodovinopisje, Italija, kulturna zgodovina, Gardsko jezero,, ocene in poročila
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 2414; Downloads: 41
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

Zgodovinjenje slovensko-italijanske meje in obmejnega prostora
Marta Verginella, 2010, review article

Abstract: A survey of contents published on the internet has shown that the designation "Italian-Slovene border" or "confine italo sloveno", together with related designations of both sides of the border, is very much present in entrepreneurial and economic relations, whereas the designation of the border indicating only one, "our" side, is prevalent in texts of historiographical provenience and in political journalism. It is already evident from a quick overview of search results that references to the eastern border in Italian texts and references to the western border in Slovenian texts are not only of geographical nature, but they also indicate a politically and nationally connoted nomenclature promulgating one-sided representations of the border. One example of incorrect historical onomastics is analysed as an indication of ethnocentric discourse, in which national affiliation is understood as a synonym of cultural affiliation and a national border as a rigid cultural boundary that also separates the members of one nation from the members of another along cultural lines. From the second half of the 19th century onwards, concealment of plural origin became a national defence mission of historians who devoted themselves to the history of border areas. In the Central European area, to which the northern Adriatic region belongs, the assertion of the autochthonism of one's own nation turned into a historiographical effacement of its neighbours. Amidst competitive relations between nations in the second half of the 19th century, national historical narrative became a political tool in the hands of the national elite and proved to be especially useful in consolidating one's own forces while excluding others. Although the first departures from historiography in the service of national defence already occurred at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Angelo Vivante), the nationally-focused border history continued to prevail both among Italian and Slovenian historians of Venezia Giulia until the 1980s. Its influence is also manifest in the Slovenian-Italian historical report, which is the result of long-term reconciliation of Italian and Slovenian historians and provides a uniform account of Slovenian-Italian relations. Nevertheless, as crucial as this achievement may be, it should not be exempt from critical scrutiny: with regard to moving beyond the ethnocentric presentation of history, Maria Todorova rightfully claims that historical legacy must be subject to critical evaluation, especially when it imposes a dichotomous understanding of border societies or when it hinders mutual recognition of the other. An accurate determination of an observation point, both in terms of research perspective and level, is - following the explanations of Michael Werner and Bénédicte Zimmermann - one of the key principles of histoire croisée, a historiography that deals with crossing, interchangeable views, and takes the deliberate exchanging and supplementing of observation perspectives as an opportunity for an as much complex understanding of historical events as possible, but also as a departure from "'intellectual' imperialism and strategies of political domination" (Werner, Zimmermann). Discussions published in this issue of Acta Histriae, which vary in their thematic focus and methodological approach, provide a convincing demonstration that alongside the historiography, which aims at strengthening the idea of historical continuity, a historiography concerned with border areas and their pluralities has emerged, a historiography that does not efface multi-faced border identities, and a historiography that incorporates historical writings on the Slovene-Italian border into interdisciplinary studies of border areas or the so-called border studies
Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...raba zgodovine, histoire croisée, obmejna zgodovina, Slovenija, Italija, ...
Keywords: mejne študije, zgodovina meje, nacionalna raba zgodovine, histoire croisée, obmejna zgodovina, Slovenija, Italija
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 2730; Downloads: 20
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

Marta Verginella: Il confine degli altri. La questione giuliana e la memoria slovena. Roma, Donzelli editore, 2008, 128 str.
Borut Klabjan, 2009, review, book review, critique

Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...zgodovinopisje, Italija, Slovenija, knjižne ocene, ...
Keywords: zgodovinopisje, Italija, Slovenija, knjižne ocene
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 2433; Downloads: 55
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

Zgornji Jadran
Milan Bufon, 2009, original scientific article

Abstract: When considering the Upper Adriatic, the meeting point of three countries: Italy, Slovenia and Croatia at this point in time, an important fact needs to be acknowledged - the historic fate of this area has basically been determined by the relationship between the ethnical and political border. In this particular area the two borders normally do not coincide and had been perpendicular or parallel to one another in different historical periods. Several contradictory tendencies towards the adapting of social structure and social systems to the current political organization of space can be discerned in the process of politically-geographical transformations in the area discussed. On one hand, particularly on the local scale, there are tendencies to normalize and functionally organize the trans-border communication and socially-cultural and socially-economic structures. On the other hand, particularly on the scale of state relations, there are tendencies to preserve the state of tension and the air of restriction around the border. This has lead to a considerable discrepancy between the intensity of functional trans-border connections, which have gradually developed between the two sides, and the scarcity and reservedness of institutional trans-border associations, which have only started to develop after the Treaty of Osimo was signed in 1975. The fact that "the spirit of Osimo" did not develop and strengthen after the proclamation of independence of Slovenia in 1991, its entry into the EU in 2004 and the acceptance among the Schengen countries in 2007 is rather unusual. Despite the existence of intensive and functional trans-border associations of the population residing near the border, the neighboring countries in the area of Upper Adriatic did not manage to devise any new initiatives concerning institutional integration. Furthermore, along with the break in communication between Slovenia and Italy, a deterioration of relations between Slovenia and Croatia occurred because of unresolved petty disputes concerning the border. However, the rather unfavorable state of relations between the states is not reflected in the actual situation in the field. The research performed so far indicates that there is a quite distinct trans-border interdependence of the population residing near the border. Nevertheless, the current politically-geographical transformations have generated certain differences between the Slovene-Italian border and the Slovene-Croatian border, particularly in the scope of lowering expectations with respect to further development of trans-border relations and lower level of functional trans-border association characterizing the western border sector of the Slovene-Croatian border when compared to the Istrian-Karstic border section of the Slovene-Italian border. This fact reflects the negative effects of transformations in this formerly unified or correlated socially-geographical area and the consequential differentiation of border sectors regardless of the relatively high level of socially-cultural affinity, which still characteriyes both border regions. This provides grounds for understanding the simultaneous occurrence of tendencies towards social and spatial divergence, characteriying the relationship of past and present-day state-oriented politicians in relation to their neighboring countries, and tendencies towards social and spatial convergence, originating primarily from the socially-cultural affinity and socially-economic interdependence of the population residing near the border. The above demonstrates that border regions should be granted an institutional and legal status that will enable the population of these regions to successfully resolve their own developmental problems while considering the complex social structure of the Upper Adriatic in the perspective of renewing or improving the spatial integration or reducing the level of potential conflict. Developmental history and the current social structure suggest that this region is indeed much easier to interconnect than to divide
Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...Jadran (regija), politična geografija, obmejne regije, Slovenija, Italija, Hrvaška, ...
Keywords: Jadran (regija), politična geografija, obmejne regije, Slovenija, Italija, Hrvaška
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 2646; Downloads: 25
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

Notari kao posrednici između Italije i Dalmacije - studije, službe, seobe između dvije obale Jadrana
Branka Grbavac, 2008, original scientific article

Abstract: Notari kao posrednici između Italije i Dalmacije
Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...notariat, kulturna zgodovina, srednji vek, Dalmacija, Italija, Zadar, ...
Keywords: notariat, kulturna zgodovina, srednji vek, Dalmacija, Italija, Zadar
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 2253; Downloads: 35
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

Proučevanje manjšin in obmejnih območij v zgornjem Jadranu - raziskovalni pristopi in problemi v luči politične geografije
Milan Bufon, 2006, original scientific article

Abstract: Avtor obravnava kompleksnost manjšinskih in obmejnih vprašanj, ki sestavljajo problematiko proučevanja kontaktnih območij v zgornjem Jadranu, na katere delujejo sočasno različni dejavniki in prispevajo k oblikovanju različne pojavne tipologije v razmerju družbena dominantnost-manjšina, ki vključujejo stanja mejne nacionalne manjšine, teritorialne oziroma regionalne manjšine ter urbane manjšine. Območje zgornjega Jadrana se potrjuje kot izredno zanimiv "laboratorij" za uvajanje novih modelov pri utrjevanju različnih institucionalnih in vsakodnevnih oblik medetnične povezanosti v okviru EU.
Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...narodna sestava, narodne majnšine, obmejne regije, Slovenija, Italija, Evropa, ...
Keywords: politična geografija, demogeografija, sestava prebivalstva, narodna sestava, narodne majnšine, obmejne regije, Slovenija, Italija, Evropa
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 2384; Downloads: 67
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

Priprave na Osimska pogajanja
Viljenka Škorjanec, 2006, original scientific article

Abstract: An analysis of archival material has shown the significance of the preparations for the negotiations that terminated in the acceptance of the Italian mandate and enabled the beginning of the negotiations for the subsequent Treaty of Osimo. Following the 1954 Memorandum of Understanding, the Italian side used the legal aspect of the agreement as a pretext for stalling over the final resolution of the border delineation issue, claiming that the situation with Zone B of the Free Territory of Trieste was only temporary. Italy also asked for some minor corrections near the border already defined by the Paris Peace Treaty. In 1968, the events in Czechoslovakia and the advanced age of President Tito persuaded the Italian government to start tackling the open issues with Yugoslavia. In that year, the Italian foreign minister, Medici, proposed a package of eighteen items, which included the suggestion that the demarcation line defined by the Memorandum of Understanding become a state border with territorial provisions and which was accepted as a negotiation platform for further dialogue at the meeting of ministers Medici and Miniæ held in Dubrovnik in March of 1973. Hereit is possible to observe a quality shift in the interstate relations and the negotiation process leading to the Treaty of Osimo. After several years of stalling, the Italian side had agreed that two mandataries be nominated in Dubrovnik in place of the previous experts, whose task would be the preparation of the draft of the final agreement. At the same time, Italy was given concrete deadlines for the fulfilment of its obligations. Alongside the official diplomatic channel the two ministers privately agreed on a special, parallel channel for secret negotiations of political mandataries as an alternative that would allow the negotiations to be continued should the likewise secret diplomatic negotiations fail to progress. The political leadership of Italy, especially the Christian Democracy party wanted to use this other channel to establish a direct dialogue parallel to the state relations directed by official diplomacy. The Italian suggestion for negotiations outside the institutional frameworks, when the states precluded from negotiations the respective foreign ministries, eventually proved the only real possibility for arriving at an agreement. The diplomatic negotiations ended towards the end of 1973 without any success. At that time the other channel was not quite active yet, all respective developments having come to a yearlong standstill soon after the establishment of the latter. After several poignant diplomatic notes and President Tito's Sarajevo speech, Andreotti, in his speech held in Udine in May, 1974, announced Italy's intention to reach an appropriate agreement with Yugoslavia. In view of the forthcoming Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to be heldin Helsinki and the fundamental principle concerning the finality of stateborders, the leadership of Christian Democracy estimated that an unsolvedborder issue was compromising global Italian politics. Following a correction to the Italian mandate and the arrival of the Italian delegation at Strmol in July, 1974, the Yugoslav side accepted the Italian proposal of negotiations between special political mandataries. This ended the preparations for the negotiations that successfully concluded with the signing of a Treaty in Osimo.
Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...mednarodna politika, diplomacija, Jugoslavija, Italija, pogajanja, ...
Keywords: mednarodna politika, diplomacija, Jugoslavija, Italija, pogajanja
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 1915; Downloads: 24
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

"Češkoslovaško-italijanska mala vojna"
Borut Klabjan, 2006, original scientific article

Abstract: The article presents the less known side of the First Trial of Trieste, undoubtedly one of the milestones in the history of Slovenes and Croatians in the Venezia Giulia region of that time. The execution of four Slovenes who had resorted to violence in resisting Fascist politics and were consequently sentenced to death by shooting, reverberated in the international public as well. Mussolini wanted to have done with the defendants completely; but not only that, the sensationalism of the trial had another, wider significance forthe Italian duce - his aim was to use the trial process to demonstrate the solidity of his regime. Such behaviour already hinted at more aggressive and unconcealed imperialistic politics of Italy in the Danube-Balkans area that would start taking its final shape in the 1930s. The illegal activities of the defendants have been treated by many historians already, and the trial itself has been the subject of various thorough studies so far; therefore, the present study chooses to lend special attention to the international extent of the trial, it being one of the events that had the strongest repercussions within the Yugoslav-Italian disputes in the period between the two world wars. In those weeks of 1930, the trial was covered by numerous newspapers. Since the process and especially the verdict made the greatest stir in Czechoslovakia, the study takes a more thorough look at the events taking place in and the opinions coming from this country. A large majority of the press manifestly condemned the Italian regime, taking the side of the 'Yugoslav minority', and the public, under the influence of the press, assumed a similar standpoint. Demonstrations and protests took place. Official politics, on the other hand, were more composed: Czechoslovak diplomacy, led by Beneš, apologized to the Italian government and within a few weeks silenced the anti-Italian campaign. In addition to numerous newspaper articles mentioned in the study, the information on the evaluation of the official politics is undoubtedly of the greatest interest. In his own report, the Czechoslovak Consul to Trieste, Krbec, related the reports by all the other diplomats present at the Trial as well. The death verdict gave rise to protests and demonstrations throughout Czechoslovakia, and the Slovenes also received support from the United States of America, especially in the form of memoranda. The newspaper campaign ended after a few weeks, but the grudges between the two states remained. This is partly evident from Mussolini's bearing in the following years, and when in 1938, along with western democracies, he consented to the takeover of the Czechoslovak border areas by Hitler's Germany.
Found in: ključnih besedah
Summary of found: ...zgodovina, prvi tržaški proces, Češkoslovaška, Italija, fašizem, Trst, Primorska, mednarodna politika, javno mnenje,...
Keywords: zgodovina, prvi tržaški proces, Češkoslovaška, Italija, fašizem, Trst, Primorska, mednarodna politika, javno mnenje
Published: 10.07.2015; Views: 2346; Downloads: 29
URL Full text (0,00 KB)

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